Why We Get the Wrong Politicians
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This is a reasoned, insightful and incredibly enjoyable foray into the world of British politics (not something you can say about many political books). It is also really depressing and it will make you angry. The lies, greed, cheating, cronyism and corruption don’t make for easy reading. If most people were aware of the facts revealed in here, their disdain and contempt for the political classes would be immeasurable. Power attracts those most likely to abuse it and then makes them worse. So how do we stop voting for narcissistic psychopaths asks Dr Brian Klaas (UCL School of European Languages Culture & Society). Second, Lord Acton was right: power does tend to corrupt. There’s plenty of research showing that decent, well-intentioned people frequently succumb to the corrosive effects of power. Allen makes the case for electoral quotas – now policy in Ireland – and encouraging political parties to make diversity a greater priority. He is on weaker ground arguing for the random selection of representatives. A deliberative selection process of representatives is still a crucial element of democracies.
Opinion: Why we always get the wrong political leaders - UCL
the enormous size of our executive branch (over 100 MPs are on the government payroll, essentially binding them to vote with the government and preventing them from exercising any kind of legislative scrutiny) In an era when politicians are responsible for the Brexit logjam and embroiled in sexual-harassment and expenses scandals, it's no wonder we've lost our faith in government. Every year, they introduce new legislation that doesn't do what it sets out to achieve - often with terrible financial and human costs. But, with some notable exceptions, they are decent, hard-working people, doing a hugely difficult and demanding job. a bureaucratic system that is aggressively expanding since the Napoleonic Wars. None voted. But who decide what substances you can put in your body, whom who are legally allowed to marry, and whom you can invite to your home. She is the daughter of Michael Hardman, the first chairman and one of the four founders of the Campaign for Real Ale. She attended St Catherine's School, Bramley, and Godalming College, before graduating from the University of Exeter with a first class degree in English Literature in 2007. While at university, Hardman worked as a freelance journalist for The Observer. She completed a National Council for the Training of Journalists course at Highbury College in 2009. Although Hardman cites many politicians bemoaning their lot as resembling that of a social worker, I think it is the most enjoyable and most vital part of my job – for the very reason that six hours in a damp church hall, talking about everything from broken slabs to family members imprisoned abroad, pops any Westminster bubble. This book is one of the best accounts I have ever read about MPs’ constituency duties and, without indulging in hero-worship, it does a really good job of humanising politicians and their constituents.
For instance, if Tory a politician wants to become the Party’s MP candidate for Hemel Hempstead, she has to sway the selection panel which consists of the area’s local Conservative Party councilors. However, these panels are sadly small which are barely over 250 people. The book is not about explaining the social science behind “why we get the wrong politicians” or pointing fingers at certain politicians/moments in British political history that may help answer the eponymous question, but rather about unravelling the ridiculous layers of complication that makes up our political system and providing an honest account of the life and responsibilities of those we vote for to make a difference. Sting operations targeted at the powerful might not always work, but perhaps it would be good if Britain’s ministers had to think twice before awarding government contracts. We’d all be better off if they had reason to wonder whether the lobbyists or contract-seekers who had been glad-handing them were part of an undercover exposé. The absurdity of our complacency is often most obvious at the extremes. In the remote village of Stebbins, Alaska, the police department had trouble filling vacancies and hired whoever came forward. As a result, there was a period in which every officer had been convicted of domestic violence. The chief of police was no exception. He had been convicted of 17 crimes over 25 years, including assault and sexual abuse of a minor.
Why We Get the Wrong Politicians, by Isabel Book Review: Why We Get the Wrong Politicians, by Isabel
Thus, Her Majesty’s Government is in great chaos. What can be done? The politically disillusioned one will claim that attempting to reform Westminster is similar to that of redecorating a house with damaged plumbing and it is better to gut it out and start over. However, that is not completely true. As a matter of fact, there are various reforms that can lead to a positive change. More than 250,000 social houses in the country were overpopulated in 2015. What’s more, since tenants are given their home forever, a lot of parents were still living in a 3-bedroom house, even though their children were grown up and moved out of the house. Therefore, while 250,000 social houses were overcrowded, there was another 400,000 which were under-occupied. We see that too often when policies or decisions are blatantly wrong or damaging to millions of people. Instead of being rational and mature about it and maybe holding up their hands in admission, the party line is upheld as self-interest, precious ego and career strategies are treated far more important than the impact on millions of the electorate. They still do this in the full knowledge that these dreadful policies have been running for years inflicting misery on millions, as shown in the case of the bedroom tax. We love to hate our leaders. They often deserve our loathing. Boris Johnson, who seems determined to provide a fresh meaning to the words “political party”, is no exception. While the rest of us followed the rules he set, he brazenly broke them . Hardman is kinder to the MPs in her book than this review suggests. To me at least, her account is not partisan – it is about people and policies, about a system rather than about an ideology. She describes personalities which seem at odds with decisions that seem naïve, foolish or malign. Sometimes this is hard to read, from the perspective of living with the consequences of those decisions. She suggests that many MPs are frustrated by a toxic system that rewards loyalty over competence and entrenches cognitive biases. The answers offered here include taking some aspects of US government – such as appointing expert ministers rather than MPs and better separation of the executive and the legislature – making the point that a UK government with a majority in parliament can do what it wants. She suggests better oversight and scrutiny of legislation, suggesting that experts might also hold a government to account after a policy is enacted. She calls for better support for prospective MPs from outside the Westminster bubble, ‘We need to encourage people from all walks of life to realise they have a right to stand for election, so that the commons bursts at the seams with experience from across the board.’ Hardman’s book made for depressing but compelling reading and many of the characters in it are still very much at large in British politics. Understanding the role of patronage in politics and the paradoxical powerlessness of many MPs, removing the rose-tinted view of British democracy can only be a good thing. At the least all adults still have a vote, and a responsibility to use it well. But if we understand the strains on and interests of our political class, we stand a chance of working with them for the good of all.Ask the next Briton you come across to explain how bills are formed and passed into law in the UK. Probabilities are you’ll be greeted with a puzzled look and some respectful apologies. However, that’s not down to this poor Brit who is politically illiterate and it’s because the UK lawmaking process is complex, long-winded and ineffective. how despite the fact the House of Lords are unelected, they actually do a surprisingly good job of scrutinising legislation, and much better than the House of Commons in most cases (makes you think - would abolishing the Lords be more ideological than pragmatic?)
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