Europe's Fault Lines: Racism and the Rise of the Right

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All the information was combined on a single map that shows thick purple zones running through the areas of south-east Europe where earthquakes are more likely, and where they can cause the greatest damage to society. Of particular interest is the section here on Strasserist and ‘third-position’ groups, who define themselves as both anti-capitalist and anti-Marxist. In November 2019, Turkey signed a maritime demarcation agreement with the GNA, along with a military cooperation deal. Greece is also obliged to defend Cyprus from any attack by Turkey, as formalised in the 1993 Greece-Cyprus joint proclamation of Single Area Defence Doctrine.

It can be useful for future policies regarding different kinds of buildings and infrastructure such as dams, tall buildings or even bridges. active collaboration through reproducing the extreme right’s tactics of creating moral panic, fearmongering and scapegoating; 2.This approach takes off the agenda a discussion of ‘multicultural working-class communities, experiencing the same problems of industrial flight and neoliberal abandonment’ (p. Previous identifications with the left are increasingly failing and a new story is needed, around which different sectors of society can rally. After Syriza won the election in 2015 on a mandate of debt relief, Wolfgang Schäuble, the German finance minister, saw no contradiction in telling the world that ‘[e]lections change nothing. Notwithstanding the warnings, local police were heavily understaffed and could not – or did not want to – stop the violent attacks on foreign-looking passersby. This index is produced by combining the average annual economic loss and the average annual loss of life calculated from Europe's first openly available seismic risk model of its type, normalised by the GDP per capita to account for the varying levels of resilience across Europe.

This has happened through the creation of new criminal offences and the strict implementation of a raft of administrative ones. A moderate earthquake in a densely populated part of Europe, or in an area that hosts critical infrastructures, like a pipeline, can have an enormous impact. The elites in these countries initially bought into the programme, but ‘since the financial crisis of 2008, it has become blindingly obvious that wealth, far from trickling down, is cascading upwards’ (p. Germany may now be the only country that can help manage tensions and draw Turkey into a much-needed inclusive process able to resolve the dispute before it escalates further.This is all true, but we also need tactics to win over the majority of the working class to redistributive economic policies that are predicated upon seeing it as a whole, not as a discrete network of identities and interest groups. In summary, ‘Exit programmes’ are hugely ineffective because they gloss over the political convictions of extremists, further establishing the myth of white victimhood and are therefore incapable of genuinely changing extremist viewpoints, which continue to spread at the grassroots level. In contrast, the first in a series of recent earthquakes in central Italy in August 2016 (magnitude 6. These ‘Exit strategies’ exist on different levels, from EU-wide to national and local initiatives and cover all kinds of extremism.

Throughout the last two decades, headlines from that newspaper have given editorial support to a variety of political campaigns premised on the stigmatisation of migrant offenders. With right-wing extremism finally recognised by the mainstream as a fundamental threat to Europe’s future, her indictment of those who enabled, amplified, and aided the rise of the hard right is an essential contribution to the defense of democratic values. However, this author unfortunately offers a deeply limited insight into why these movements are growing. Given this book attempts to understand the far right in Europe, there is a surprising lack of analysis about the role of Islam in Europe - with no attempt to explore the ideology of Islamism, Salafism or Islamic concepts such as Jihad.The average annual economic loss describes the expected financial losses per year, on average, due to building damage directly caused by earthquakes. The data depicts the 10 per cent ‘exceedance probability’ that a peak ground acceleration of a certain fraction of the gravitational acceleration is observed within the next 50 years. She makes good points about a cultural revolution from the left, within the context of building networks of solidarity that would strengthen the resistance of local communities to racism and far-right intimidation. Fekete rightly criticises current accounts on the rise of the extreme right that separate it from the role of the state.

However, also cities like Zagreb (Croatia), Tirana (Albania), Sofia (Bulgaria), Lisbon (Portugal), Brussels (Belgium), and Basel (Switzerland) have an above-average level of earthquake risk compared to less exposed cities, such as Berlin (Germany), London (UK), or Paris (France). The traditional view of leftish sections of the commentariat is that this continent-wide surge in support is built on the votes of people who have been “left behind” by changes in the organisation of capitalism and “let down” by the political centre, and perhaps particularly by the centre-left.While her analysis of the content of the campaigns is certainly correct, she perhaps gives too much credit to the effect of those xenophobic and racist campaigns as primary factors in the result. Instead, attention ought to be paid to how political actors actively create, shape and perform those ‘identity crises’. Furthermore, this creates separate forms of detention for asylum seekers and, indeed, discrete prison regimes for foreign-national offenders, all backed up by legal changes that underpin this move away from the principle of equality under the law.