Values, Voice and Virtue: The New British Politics

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Former prime minister Liz Truss, who is not part of Britain’s elite. Photograph: J Scott Applewhite/AP Hassan also criticised the book' failure include even a single sentence on Scotland, Wales or Northern Ireland: "Goodwin, it turns out, is not really talking about “British politics” on populism. Rather he is talking about English populism. Critically and unstated, Goodwin poses this English populism as speaking for and representing Britain, without once noting the fissures and tensions that brings forth." [15] Goodwin was the director of the Centre for UK Prosperity, itself an offshoot of the Legatum Institute, a pro-Brexit, libertarian think-tank funded by a New Zealand-born billionaire. He has had support for his thesis from fellow anti-elitists Lord Frost, the former diplomat and civil servant who was Boris Johnson’s chief Brexit negotiator; Melanie Phillips, a newspaper columnist since 1987; and Piers Morgan, a television presenter. Universities are also a target. As Will Davies wrote in 2020, disdain for the humanities is a useful feature of contemporary conservatism since it helps “free marketeers to find common ground with nationalists … The figure of the publicly funded humanities graduate, whose cultural privilege grants them access to the London elite, fuels a paranoid fantasy that is now central to conservative ideology.” Match of the Day host and supposed ‘new elite’ enforcer Gary Lineker. Photograph: Henry Nicholls/Reuters

Values, Voice and Virtue: The New British Politics - Wikipedia

Since 2015, Goodwin has been professor of politics in the School of Politics and International Relations at the University of Kent. [8] Other [ edit ] But if one does so, one sees that the New Elite is nothing like as new as Goodwin supposes it to be. It has existed in various insufferable forms for a long time, and it led Disraeli to develop a form of politics attractive to newly enfranchised members of the skilled working class: Jim Callaghan, the in many ways admirable successor to Wilson, was brought low by the unions in the Winter of Discontent, and in April 1979 defeated by the Conservatives under Thatcher, the country’s first woman Prime Minister. That there are such echoes across the decades should not surprise us. The image of a distinct, new elite, defined by its education and values, and standing over the common people, has a long history, popping up throughout the 20th century. The roots of the contemporary debate about the new elite lie in the 1970s. The late Barbara Ehrenreich published with her husband, John, an essay in 1977 in which they coined the term “ professional-managerial class” (PMC). There had developed, they argued, a new class of college-educated professionals, from engineers and middle managers to social workers and culture producers, that was distinct from the middle class of old but essential to the functioning of capitalism. The Ehrenreichs were hopeful that this class could be mobilised for progressive causes. They warned, however, that it could also give rise to “what may at first sight seem to be a contradiction in terms: anti-working class radicalism”. This book begins with the strange suggestion that British politics used to be considered “stable, boring, moderate and consensual”. Only in retrospect, when the alarms of the moment have faded, can such a complacent judgement be reached.Le Pen hovers ambiguously in the middle of the national populist spectrum, fusing nationalism to social democracy and an aggressive defence of western values. Her brand-washing, gender and comparatively youthful support do important work in Eatwell and Goodwin’s narrative, providing a face of national populism that convincingly defies the prejudices of liberal elites. In their characterisation, Le Pen is a hybrid of cultural conservative and social liberal, and Muslims are unfortunate to fall foul on both counts. Florida Governor Ron DeSantis speaks at a news conference after signing the ‘Stop Woke Act’. Photograph: Miami Herald/TNS a b Malik, Kenan (16 April 2023). "This obsession with a 'new elite' hides the real roots of power". The Observer . Retrieved 24 April 2023.

National Populism: The Revolt Against Liberal Democracy

Martin Shaw compared the book unfavourably with Goodwin's work a decade earlier, arguing that whereas he was previously working with "serious scholars, helping to produce some real research", in Values, Voice and Virtue "he’s finally gone solo and it shows." Shaw called the book "a debasement of social-scientific elite theory." [19]It has been 26 years since the British children’s television show Teletubbies aired on TV for the first time, with its infamous grassy hill, Sun Baby and 10ft tall aliens capturing the hearts of children all over. Like with so much TV aimed at infants, Teletubbies made no sense, but its saturated colours and catchy songs made it a mainstay in children’s entertainment.

Friday briefing: Has a ‘woke aristocracy’ really taken

Lee Anderson, recently interviewed on ConHome, is a Tory Democrat, never happier than when teasing the New Elite. a b Malik, Kenan (22 December 2019). "The idea that the British working class is socially conservative is a nonsense". the Guardian . Retrieved 21 August 2023. Goodwin was an associate professor of politics at the University of Nottingham from 2010 to 2015, a research fellow at the Institute for Political and Economic Governance at the University of Manchester from 2008 to 2010, and, between 2010 and 2020, associate fellow at Chatham House (The Royal Institute of International Affairs) where he authored research reports on the rise of populism, [4] Euroscepticism ahead of the Brexit vote, [5] the different political tribes of Europe, [6] and the future of Europe. [7] The working class had a stake in the country, not just because by going on strike they could bring it to a grinding halt, but through such brilliant figures as Ernest Bevin, who had started life in rural poverty, left school at the age of 11, created the Transport and General Workers’ Union, became an indispensable member of Churchill’s War Cabinet, and as Foreign Secretary helped create NATO and West Germany. A] cleavage around cultural rather than economic issues is, according to Goodwin, what drives “the new British politics”.

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Freedland, Jonathan (26 October 2018). "Don't normalise the far right. But sometimes we must take it on". The Guardian. ISSN 0261-3077 . Retrieved 12 July 2023. Police | Eight serving and former Metropolitan police officers have been found guilty of gross misconduct after they were found to have sent sexist, racist, homophobic, transphobic and ableist comments in a Whatsapp group between 2016 and 2018. Eatwell, Roger; Goodwin, Matthew (2018). National Populism: The Revolt Against Liberal Democracy. Pelican Books. ISBN 9780241312001.

Values, Voice and Virtue: The New British Politics | LSE

Shaw, Martin (2023-04-25). "Professors, Power and Projection: the Case of Matthew Goodwin – Byline Times". Byline Times . Retrieved 2023-08-22. Anti-elitism, thus conceived, is synonymous with ethno-nationalism. This tallies with the strange forms of muscular communitarianism that have emerged in recent years: Keir Starmer waving the flag and singing the national anthem; the proliferation of culture-war platforms like Unherd; the tireless repetition of David Goodhart’s distinction between “somewheres” and “anywheres”. Goodwin forms part of this broader movement of liberals who – at some point during the Brexit saga – realised they had strayed too far from “the people” and are now attempting to appease their guilt through nativist symbology and sound-bites. Aaronovitch, David. "Flag, faith and failure: three days with the National Conservatives". Prospect . Retrieved 18 August 2023. Media Mole (11 June 2017). "Watch: Politics expert Matthew Goodwin eats his own book on live TV after underestimating Labour". New Statesman. London.Just as Rishi Sunak tries to calm things down, Goodwin wishes to persuade us that “British politics is coming apart”. He says a “New Elite” consisting of university graduates with “radically progressive values” has taken control of our institutions and looks down on “the morally inferior masses”, whom it dismisses as racists and xenophobes. has taken full control of the political institutions, the think tanks, the civil service, the public bodies, the universities, the creative industries, the cultural institutions and much of the media.” When the Commission on Race and Ethnic Disparities (Sewell Report) argued that structural racism didn't exist in the UK (a claim that was subject to extensive criticism), Goodwin claimed this "dismantles the woke mob’s central claim that we are living in a fundamentally racist society". [11] Books [ edit ] This is absurdly exaggerated. Goodwin makes the same error as writers about the Establishment used to make, namely to suppose that members of the New Elite all think the same as each other. Shaw, Martin (25 April 2023). "Professors, Power and Projection: the Case of Matthew Goodwin – Byline Times". Byline Times . Retrieved 22 August 2023.