Main article: Bloody Sunday (1905) Tsar Nicholas of Russia mounts his horse (1905?), unknown cinematographer of the Edison Manufacturing Company. The 60th Academy Awards (1988) Nominees and Winners". Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sciences . Retrieved 31 July 2011.

The energetic and efficient General Alexei Polivanov replaced Sukhomlinov as Minister of War, which failed to improve the strategic situation. [102] In the aftermath of the Great Retreat and the loss of the Kingdom of Poland, Nicholas assumed the role of commander-in-chief after dismissing his cousin, Grand Duke Nicholas Nikolayevich, in September 1915. This was a mistake, as the tsar came to be personally associated with the continuing losses at the front. He was also away at the remote HQ at Mogilev, far from the direct governance of the empire, and when revolution broke out in Petrograd he was unable to halt it. In reality the move was largely symbolic, since all important military decisions were made by his chief-of-staff General Michael Alexeiev, and Nicholas did little more than review troops, inspect field hospitals, and preside over military luncheons. [107] Nicholas II with his family in Yevpatoria, Crimea, May 1916 Lord Ruler: The immortal ruler and self-proclaimed god of the Final Empire, who is said to have saved mankind a thousand years ago and remade the world into its current form. Awards Winners". Writers Guild of America Awards. Archived from the original on 5 December 2012 . Retrieved 6 June 2010. Sholoi (1627–1652), son of Morbuim, succeeded his brother Khar Zagal in 1627. First with the title of Setsen Khan. Ebiri, Bilge. "Bernardo Bertolucci Dissects Ten of His Classic Scenes". Vulture . Retrieved 22 September 2018.The Kishinev newspaper Bessarabets, which published anti-Semitic materials, received funds from Viacheslav Plehve, Minister of the Interior. [54] These publications served to fuel the Kishinev pogrom (rioting). The government of Nicholas II formally condemned the rioting and dismissed the regional governor, with the perpetrators arrested and punished by the court. [55] Leadership of the Russian Orthodox Church also condemned anti-Semitic pogroms. Appeals to the faithful condemning the pogroms were read publicly in all churches of Russia. [56] In private Nicholas expressed his admiration for the mobs, viewing anti-Semitism as a useful tool for unifying the people behind the government; [57] however in 1911, following the assassination of Pyotr Stolypin by the Jewish revolutionary Dmitry Bogrov, he approved of government efforts to prevent anti-Semitic pogroms. [58] Russification of Finland Urus Khan (1376–1378), Urus was also Khan of the White Horde and uncle of Toqtamish, allowing the Hordes to unite. After his mother's death, Vahdeddin Efendi was raised and taught by his Şayeste Hanım, an other of his father's consorts. [7] [8] He trained himself by taking lessons from private teachers and attending some of the lessons given at Fatih Madrasa. [1] The prince had a rough time with his overbearing adoptive mother, and at the age of 16 he left his adoptive mother's mansion with the three servants who had been serving him since childhood. [9] He grew up with nannies, female servants, and tutors. During the thirty-three years of his brother Sultan Abdul Hamid II's reign he lived in the Ottoman Imperial Harem. [10]

Alan J. K. Sanders (2003). Historical Dictionary of Mongolia (Seconded.). Scarecrow Press. p.413. ISBN 978-0-8108-4434-6. The end of the Great War allowed Vahdeddin to reassert the Sultanate, in contrast to his deceased brother who was accommodating to the CUP. With Talat Pasha's resignation, Vahdeddin had the opportunity to appoint a new Grand Vizier. Mustafa Kemal Pasha sent a telegram to the Sultan, asking him to appoint Ahmed Izzet Pasha, another anti-Unionist and make himself a minister of war. Izzet Pasha wooed the Sultan by promising to 'secure the dynasty's 'legitimate rights' and restore justice in the nation'. [16] The sultan assigned the task of forming the government to Izzet, though Mustafa Kemal was excluded from the new cabinet, as well as any minorities. [1] Sultan soon requested the resignation of Izzet and assigned Ahmed Tevfik Pasha to form a government. In the speech of the opening of the new legislative year of the parliament, Woodrow Wilson said that he wished for peace according to his principles, that he wanted peace in accordance with the honour and dignity of the state. Under pressure from the attempted 1905 Russian Revolution, on 5 August of that year Nicholas II issued a manifesto about the convocation of the State Duma, known as the Bulygin Duma, initially thought to be an advisory organ. In the October Manifesto, the Tsar pledged to introduce basic civil liberties, provide for broad participation in the State Duma, and endow the Duma with legislative and oversight powers. He was determined, however, to preserve his autocracy even in the context of reform. This was signalled in the text of the 1906 constitution. He was described as the supreme autocrat, and retained sweeping executive powers, also in church affairs. His cabinet ministers were not allowed to interfere with nor assist one another; they were responsible only to him. [ citation needed] Tartaglione, Nancy (January 27, 2016). "DMG Entertainment Taps F Scott Frazier To Adapt 'Mistborn: The Final Empire' ". Deadline Hollywood. Archived from the original on April 26, 2017 . Retrieved April 30, 2017.

Rapid collapse—Achaemenid Persia

The third Duma remained an independent body. This time the members proceeded cautiously. Instead of hurling themselves at the government, opposing parties within the Duma worked to develop the body as a whole. In the classic manner of the British Parliament, the Duma reached for power grasping for the national purse strings. The Duma had the right to question ministers behind closed doors as to their proposed expenditures. These sessions, endorsed by Stolypin, were educational for both sides, and, in time, mutual antagonism was replaced by mutual respect. Even the sensitive area of military expenditure, where the October Manifesto clearly had reserved decisions to the throne, a Duma commission began to operate. Composed of aggressive patriots no less anxious than Nicholas to restore the fallen honour of Russian arms, the Duma commission frequently recommended expenditures even larger than those proposed. [ citation needed]